ASEAN’s half-hearted help for Burma  25 May 2008

 Neither the UN nor the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) are having much luck twisting the arms of the dictators in Burma to allow help into the cyclone-devastated country.  

After the blood-letting in Kosovo, the UN decided the world, or more specifically the UN owed a duty of care to helpless people in the grip of repressive regimes. Protecting people under dictatorships, working for peace, speaking for the most vulnerable and so forth. All nice platitudes that had always filled inches in official communiqués and important-sounding proclamations. But when it comes down to brass tacks, what exactly have men in dark suits really achieved? From Sudan to Zimbabwe, Burma and North Korea? 

After the cyclone that hit Burma earlier this month, the UN secretary general Ban Ki-moon couldn’t even get dictator Than Shwe to answer the phone to talk about the crisis. Apparently, the general was displeased that the UN has been criticizing his ruthless junta for failing to comply with international agreements. This kind of small-mindedness on the part of the general doesn’t make it easy for bodies like the UN to function effectively.  

Bodies like the UN which purport to represent the face of the international community are at a serious disadvantage when it comes to dealing with eccentrics like the generals in Burma. Mr Ban has finally seen the sense in heading out to meet them. Hands will be shaken, talks will be held, agreements reached, followed by declarations about the generals’ commitment to protecting the cyclone victims. One is reminded of the recent post-election talks in Kenya. Intransigence on the basis of extreme partisan politics, visits by global peace makers, handshakes, grins, proclamations. But what happens after the self-congratulatory speeches and celebrations? 

The Burmese generals have shown themselves to be cruel in the extreme by their refusal to accept foreign help on the basis this will weaken their power. What they don’t realize is that their insensitivity has dealt their power a more severe blow. They would rather see people die of starvation and disease than have their perceived status eroded because they have been ‘reduced’ to accepting charity.   

To add insult to injury, they are now reported as ordering internal refugees to go back home. Many have no homes to speak of. Everything has been destroyed. People are at the mercy of the elements. They have little hope. And instead of the government allowing food, medicine, and shelter to come through, it is instead resorting to its usual repressive tactics.  

It is difficult to comprehend the mentality of these generals. They live in a totally different world. They have absolutely no understanding of the extent of deprivation millions endure every day. In an effort to endear themselves to the people, the generals declared three days of mourning. People struggling to find something to eat, to locate the remains of loved ones, not knowing if and when any help will come their way, are wondering how they’re supposed to participate in the official mourning when their day-to-day lives are already reduced to constant effortless mourning. How do you tell someone who is facing starvation to fast for a few days because it makes the leaders feel better about themselves?

 The generals have been sneaking out of their palatial mansions on fact-finding missions to inspect the grim realities on the streets. They see the misery, mutter a few platitudinous words of consolation then fly back in their military helicopters and announce that they’re quite capable of handling the situation. According to them, the country has all the emergency help it needs, and that if anyone wants to help, they should send money for reconstruction.  

Like the UN, ASEAN is just another toothless bulldog which is prone to barking innocuous warnings and little else. They talk tough. They feel the need to be seen to be talking tough, because they realize that Burma is a stain on the Asian conscience. But they insist on treating the junta with kid gloves, hiding behind the veil of internal harmony, sovereignty. But if you look closely, it is sovereignty for an elite military regime whose interests do not appear to coincide at all with the desperate needs of millions of voiceless Burmese.   

The membership of ASEAN itself inspires little confidence in terms of their own histories of internal problems, from human rights abuses to fragile democracies. You have countries like Vietnam, Thailand, Brunei, Indonesia, Cambodia. The basis of their moral authority to challenge Burma, the ultimate pariah state, needs strengthening. 

Perhaps recognizing the precariousness of their position, it has taken them all these weeks to announce to the world that they’re best placed to lead the relief effort, repeating the junta’s refrain that the involvement of other countries will be on a ‘case-by-case basis’, according to the Singaporean foreign minister.  

ASEAN and Burma’s neighbours, especially India and China, could do a lot more for the beleaguered Burmese if they really wanted to. Unfortunately, vested interests in the form of Burma’s resources keep them from exerting too much pressure. Even Japan, that would-be economic giant in the region, has failed to offer leadership in challenging the junta to display a modicum of human kindness. The whole of Asia is hostage to its culture at a time when a political solution to the Burmese crisis has never been more opportune.

Latest quake puts China on notice as Olympic games loom     18 May 2008

One can only imagine the sheer terror of an earthquake such as the one that recently rocked China, leaving a trail of death and devastation in its wake. Such was the sheer force of the quake that in less that ten minutes of hitting the epicenter in Wenchuan in Sichuan province, it was felt almost two thousand kilometers away in Taiwan, as well as in neighbouring countries like India and Vietnam.  

The occasional quake is nature’s way of reminding us how fragile life is, how easily and quickly lives can be extinguished, and whole cities and villages can come crumbling down, reduced to dust and rubble. And despite the best warning signals, there is little anyone can do to prevent nature taking its course. This tragedy comes hot on the heels of the cyclone in Burma which shook the country to its core. 

Natural disasters can and do strike anywhere, with little or no warning, in poor and rich countries, often with untold consequences. China definitely feels it can without more bad news. And there has been plenty to contend with, what with the skirmishes in Tibet and the controversy surrounding the Olympic torch? The imminent Olympic games continue to keep the country under the spotlight, and scrutiny can only intensify as we head towards August.  

Potential visitors must be asking themselves whether they’ll be safe at the games. It’s a natural reaction, following a major disaster, but it’s one that piles up the pressure on Beijing to assure the world that everything will be just fine. The bigger challenge is to ensure that the country is safe from terrorist attacks. With hundreds of thousands of visitors, many extremely high profile, there could well be groups out there that will be prepared to grasp the opportunity to make a point, either violently through targeted attacks and street protests, or symbolically in ways designed to embarrass the authorities and draw attention to their causes.  

And there are plenty of groups with grievances both within China and abroad, from Uighur and Tibet affiliated groups to associations like the Falun Gong and a host of human rights and environmental activists. Terrorist organizations including Al Qaeda and others who have sympathies with China’s Xinjiang region could also be plotting either to make their case against Beijing or to stage a proxy attack on the US and other so-called enemies. 

How well will China cope with all these threats and scrutiny? The timing and execution of the Tibet protests a few months ago caught Beijing slightly flat-footed. The failure of intelligence to uncover and neutralize threats well in advance could have disastrous consequences in August. 

Did Beijing fully grasp the significance of the mammoth task of hosting the biggest show on earth when they bid for the Olympics? Did they realize they would face intensified criticism and challenges about their human rights record, particularly in troubled spots like Tibet? Or were they just intent on staging games to enhance national pride and reap the glory of a massive medal haul on home ground, in front of millions of patriotic supporters? 

An undertaking of this magnitude comes long with an equally sizeable set of responsibilities. It is not sufficient to make glib assurances that progress will be made, so therefore do let us host these games. There comes a time when you have to deliver. Of course there has been progress over time. China is not what it was twenty or even ten years ago. Much of that change has been socio-economic. Millions have seen their lifestyles change for the better, although the economic transformations have tended to be restricted to large cities like Shanghai and Guangdong. Millions more continue to wallow in misery, as the child slave saga reminded us just a few weeks ago. 

China needs to show it is working to improve civil liberties and basic freedoms. It cannot be easy to govern such a large country, especially with the current structure in which power is concentrated at the centre while many provinces and cities are governed as virtual fiefdoms by individuals who do not understand the meaning of service and accountability. You might not be able to do much to prevent earthquakes. But you can certainly improve disaster preparedness, and provide opportunities for those most at risk to save their lives and recover quickly from these occasional knocks by nature. 

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 It is exactly ten years since Suharto was driven from office by student-led street demonstrations, bringing a ruthless dictatorship to its knees. Indonesia stood on the threshold of a new beginning as euphoria swept across the land. But warning signs were visible right from the start, that life wasn’t going to be a bed of roses with Suharto out of the way. These signs were manifest in the attacks on the ethnic Chinese minority which went unpunished and officially unacknowledged. Some believe the arson, rape and rioting were officially sanctioned as the military watched the unfolding mayhem from the sidelines. 

It just goes to show, you can remove a man from the palace. But it takes more than courage, hope and street protests to dislodge his legacy and dismantle the insidious infrastructure that allowed him and his henchmen to plunder the country. Poverty, impunity and good governance remain a huge challenge.

Child slavery a blemish on industry  4 May 2008  

Communists once used Charles Dickens’ writings to warn their people of the dangers of capitalism. They cited heart-rending tales of children being exploited by terrifying bloodshot supervisors in grim factories out to extract surplus value to enrich themselves while condemning hapless children and poor people to industrial slavery. These writings provided fantastic opportunities for ideological dogma and brainwashing.  

The world has changed. Those who espouse communism have become more adept at turning a buck than the self-professed capitalists. However, while the latter might find themselves constrained by rules designed to protect workers, which is not to say they always observe them, the former operate in something of a legal void. The fast-growing economies of Asia benefit immensely from the flexibility with which labour and environmental laws are interpreted and observed, or more to the point, disregarded, in the interest of profit and competitiveness. Has the bloodshot slave-driver shifted base from Victorian England to modern-day east Asia?

Foreign firms are not immune either, and are often quite happy to join the fray, to disregard guidelines from their own jurisdictions, or simply to turn a blind eye to the practices of their associates, business partners and sub-contractors. This is where the case for western hypocrisy comes in.

Why is it that western governments are ever so quick to condemn corruption and financial scandals in developing countries yet they are more than happy to ignore the corrupt practices of their own firms? The case of British Aerospace has re-ignited debate on this subject, with their history of corruption allegations and slush funds. The politicians like to say it’s all about protecting British jobs. Apparently that makes it alright. Whereas industrialists in Asia are just trying to enrich themselves at the expense of the most vulnerable members of society.

The hunger for money has a way of harmonizing economic quests irrespective of political belief. Sweat shops, environmental degradation and the worst excesses in the exploitation of people are phenomena that show a complete disregard for ideology.

Many were shocked at the rescue of more than 160 village children who had been sold into slavery in factories in Guangdong province in China. The story didn’t come as much of a surprise to those who are familiar with the extent of poverty in the middle and western provinces of China in particular and the nature of employment practices in Guangdong.

Extreme poverty leads families to sell their children to factories where they can at least eke out a living making a pittance. The extent of the tragedy was such that some children apparently didn’t want to be rescued and returned to the squalor of their villages. The destruction of innocence, childhood to such an extent is a sad indictment on the society which has obviously failed to translate the impressive economic growth rates one always hears about into meaningful lives for a vast majority.

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 In 2001 a highly decorated policeman was shot in the head at point blank, following a tiff between sons of elite Thai leaders. The military officer who allegedly pulled the trigger escaped abroad presumably to lie low for a while till this thing blew over, as they say. He surrendered months later and was later acquitted for lack of evidence, even though there were at least a couple of hundred people at the night club who witnessed the episode. The incident led many to conclude that the Thai justice system had been exposed as a sham. 

Thailand being what it is, no one was prepared to come forward and testify. Such is the fear of ordinary citizens in the face of potential retribution by the high and mighty. Thailand and the Philippines are two examples of south eastern Asian countries where the progeny of the upper classes routinely get away with murder. Bar brawls amongst rich kids that sometimes end fatally are not unusual. The person on the receiving end is normally a commoner, someone with neither money nor connections. It reminds you of Saddam Hussein’s Baghdad.  

Thais pride themselves in never having been colonized, because a king back in the mists of time played the British and French off against each other, creating a buffer zone which allowed national pride and reverence to the monarchy to thrive. In other respects, it is hard to see what an uncolonised past means today, with a history littered with military coups and a class structure in which the impunity and excesses amongst the very rich become the hallmark of political behaviour as well. However, the Thai people are justifiably proud of their civil liberties, which many in the east can only dream of. It takes little provocation for them to take to the streets in demonstrations. 

The recent reinstatement of the ex-fugitive military officer has captured headlines, with people asking whether this represents a return to the bad old days of arrogance and impunity which culminated in the collapse of the Thaksin regime.  

The timing of the reinstatement of the military officer seems ill-advised given the relative fragility of the six-party coalition government which is having a hard time proving it offers anything new and isn’t merely a hotchpotch of the previous discredited vested interests. A series of missteps could very easily make a mockery of this much-vaunted new beginning.

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